6In August, 1940, the US Army had conducted the largest peacetime maneuvers in its history. 28 Terry A. Cooney, Balancing Acts: American Thought and Culture in the 1930s (New York:Twayne, 1995), 174; Alan Brinkley, “To See and to Know Everything,” Time, 151 (March 9,1998), 52-53; Elson, Time Inc., 463; Herzstein, Henry R. Luce, 180-81. In conveying what Americans could be grateful for, no visual art was more iconic or inspired than Norman Rockwell’s The Four Freedoms (1942). 25 Quoted in Blum, V, 285, and in Brinkley, “To See and Know Everything,” 108. : Rethinking the Past in a Changing World (New York: Hill &Wang, 2002), 80. Insisting on the inevitability of involvement in a war that had begun in Manchuria a decade earlier, he invoked the extension of American influence that was inspired by democratic ideals and that offered the promise of prosperity. You could not be signed in, please check and try again. 26Born in Tengchow in 1898, he spent his childhood almost entirely in China, within the walled compound where missionary families lived. “Can we avoid a post-armament depression?” was also a question posed to members of the American Economic Association. (c) Copyright University of North Carolina Press, 2020. It is, like the tiny 1941 volume, out of print. When the oil paintings were exhibited in sixteen cities, well over a million visitors showed up; and nearly $133 million in war bonds were sold.3. So he adopted the argument that the United States was already at war—a datum of which Adolf Hitler was presumably aware, even if Luce’s own compatriots were not.5 In the summer of 1940, he also supplied a foreword to John F. Kennedy’s Why England Slept. 3The enlivened appreciation for “Americanism” sprang from the realization that the national experience diverged from the fanatical tyrannies that were devastating the Old World. 37 Quoted in John K. Jessup, ed., Introduction to The Ideas of Henry Luce (New York: Atheneum,1969), 16. But the two features of Luce’s essay were inseparable, and bore a very personal imprint. 40 Steel, Walter Lippmann, xiii, 404; Walter Lippmann, “The American Destiny,” Life, 6 (June 5,1939), 47, 72-73; Baughman, Henry R. Luce, 132; Barton J. Bernstein, “Walter Lippmann and theEarly Cold War,” in Cold War Critics: Alternatives to American Foreign Policy in the Truman Years,ed. The end of isolationism came nearly nine months after the editorial appeared, not because of its persuasiveness, but instead because of Pearl Harbor. Indeed by 2002 China already surpassed the USA as the favorite recipient of foreign investment in the world.48 Since 1991, the Chinese share of the world’s output of goods and services has nearly doubled, to 12.7%. The American Century. On May 8, 1942, Henry A. Wallace’s address on “The Price of Free World Victory” was seen at the time as a rebuttal to Luce’s editorial. Yet Hobsbawm struck a discordant note in adding that “America is less of a coherent and therefore exportable social and political model of a capitalist liberal democracy, based on the universal principles of individual freedom, than its patriotic ideology and Constitution suggest. 52 Alan Brinkley, “The Concept of an American Century,” in The American Century in Europe, eds.R. The founder of Time, Life, and Fortune magazines, Luce presented a powerful vision of the United States leading and transforming the world. “Still the American Century.” Review of International Studies 25 (1999): 271-299. He formulated a definition of national purpose that demonstrated the wider struggle to celebrate the nation's virtues and to reclaim its past. Indeed he believed the two aims to be inextricable. 7 William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932-1940 (New York: Harper& Row, 1963), 306-7. 15 “The Peoples of the USSR” and “Lavrentii R. Beria,” in Life, 14 (March 29, 1943), 23, 40. Time Inc. boosted—or responded to—popular interest by offering copies of “The American Century” free of charge. Thomas G. Paterson (Chicago: Quadrangle, 1971), 19. In fact, I thought it perfect, and you need have no qualms about letting it be circulated not only all over the country but all over the world.” Such praise—indirectly at Luce’s expense—and the supposed contrast to “The American Century” irritated the magazine publisher,21 who wrote Wallace: “I should not like to think that anything of substance in the essay [...] is inconsistent with your hopes and promises for the increasing freedom and welfare of ‘the common man.” Wallace conceded the point in a reply to Luce: “I do not happen to remember anything that you have written descriptive of your concepts of ‘The American Century’ of which I disapprove.”22. They interact, of course.” And they were most conspicuously encountered, if not in America, then at least in the idea of America. 22A major event in the formation of the American role in world affairs, a source of heated public debate in 1941, “The American Century” has endured as a phrase (which to Reinhold Niebuhr smacked— predictably—of “egoistic corruption”). 4 Carl L. Becker, The Declaration of Independence: A Study in the History of Political Ideas (New York:Alfred A. Knopf, 1942), xvi.
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