And 2020 will be a year of the young in one more important respect. The fact that nearly two-fifths of millennials and Gen Z are Black and brown makes these issues deeply personal for them. Those under age 40 are more diverse than the older cohorts, with almost half identifying as being part of a racial or ethnic minority. About two-fifths of those aged 50 to 64 have experienced the same thing. Now, the oldest millennial is 39, and with their numbers exceeding those of baby boomers, the millennial generation is poised to take over influential roles in business and government. Social, economic, and political fissures between millennials and older, whiter generations are well known; there is no question that in his screeds against illegal immigrants, voter fraud, political correctness, and the like, President Trump has preyed on the fears of older whites about the nation’s changing racial demography—a strategy he continues to follow. As is well documented, many of Millennials’ life choices, future earnings and entrance to adulthood have been shaped by this recession in a way that may not be the case for their younger counterparts. African Americans vote for Democrats by ten to one or more; Hispanics and Asians by about two to one; 53% of college graduates identify with Democrats, only 40% with Republicans. But boomers lost their status as the largest generation in 2019, when millennials overtook them in absolute numbers. So are most of Congress. Among millennials, 43% of women have degrees, seven points more than men. President Trump’s recent messaging—attacking protests with “law and order” rants about crime, retweeting a video promoting white power, and celebrating Confederate monuments—is clearly intended to solidify support from his base to counter the movement now underway. Although Baby Boomers may trail Gen X and Millennials on native technology usage, the rate at which Boomers expand their use of technology is accelerated. Democrats are understandably cautious about Joe Biden’s opinion-poll lead. According to Pew, millennials and Gen Z-ers are the most likely to say governments should do more to solve problems, that same-sex marriage is good for society, that climate change is caused by human activity and that blacks are treated less fairly than whites. They are also more likely to say fetters should be put on capitalism, says Pew’s Richard Fry, perhaps because both generations started looking for jobs during recessions, the Great Recession for millennials, the covid recession for Gen Z. Since 1998, the median age of congressional representatives has put them in the boomer class. As recently as 2014 a disparity remained: boomers cast 57m votes; younger voters, 36m. Half of those under 20 are not. In 2016 two-thirds of young voters said they had not been contacted by any party before the election, probably because parties concentrate their get-out-the-vote efforts on those who have voted before (making low turnout among the young a self-fulfilling prophecy). As millennials and younger generations find themselves at the center of the pandemic’s economic storm, they are poised to fight for a bigger say in how the nation recovers. Sorry, boomers. “We’re not going to turn them out by just saying, ‘Go Vote! Turnout among voters aged 18 to 29 almost doubled between the 2014 and 2018 mid-term elections. But the current political environment suggests this takeover could be contentious. Millennials form the bedrock of support for the progressive left, who have done well in Democratic primary contests this year. As Bill Frey, a demographer at the Brookings Institution, a think-tank, puts it: “America is moving from largely white, baby-boomer-dominated politics and culture in the second half of the 20th century to a more racially diverse country fuelled by younger generations: millennials, Gen Z-ers and their juniors.”. Younger generations have often led older Americans in their adoption and use of technology, and this largely holds true today.
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